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Remarks by President Biden Ahead of the One-Year Anniversary of Russia’s Brutal and Unprovoked Invasion of Ukraine(0221)
The Royal Castle in Warsaw
Warsaw, Poland 5:39 P.M. CET
THE PRESIDENT: Hello, Poland! (Applause.) One of our great allies. President Duda, Prime Minister — Mr. Prime Minister, Mr. Mayor, and to all the former ministers and presidents, as well as mayors and Polish political leaders from all across the country: Thank you for welcoming me back to Poland.
You know, it was nearly one year ago — (applause) — nearly one year ago I spoke at the Royal Castle here in Warsaw, just weeks after Vladimir Putin had unleashed his murderous assault on Ukraine. The largest land war in Europe since World War Two had begun. And the principles that had been the cornerstone of peace, prosperity, and stability on this planet for more than 75 years were at risk of being shattered.
One year ago, the world was bracing for the fall of Kyiv. Well, I have just come from a visit to Kyiv, and I can report: Kyiv stands strong! (Applause.) Kyiv stands proud. It stands tall. And most important, it stands free. (Applause.)
When Russia invaded, it wasn’t just Ukraine being tested. The whole world faced a test for the ages.
Europe was being tested. America was being tested. NATO was being tested. All democracies were being tested. And the questions we faced were as simple as they were profound.
Would we respond or would we look the other way? Would we be strong or would we be weak? Would be — we would — would we be — all of our allies — would be united or divided?
One year later, we know the answer.
We did respond. We would be strong. We would be united. And the world would not look the other way. (Applause.)
We also faced fundamental questions about the commitment to the most basic of principles. Would we stand up for the sovereignty of nations? Would we stand up for the right of people to live free from naked aggression? Would we stand up for democracy?
One year later, we know the answers.
Yes, we would stand up for sovereignty. And we did.
Yes, we would stand up for the right of people to live free from aggression. And we did.
And we would stand up for democracy. And we did.
And yesterday, I had the honor to stand with President Zelenskyy in Kyiv to declare that we will keep standing up for these same things no matter what. (Applause.)
When President Putin ordered his tanks to roll into Ukraine, he thought we would roll over. He was wrong.
The Urai- — the Ukrainian people are too brave.
America, Europe, a coalition of nations from the Atlantic to the Pacific — we were too unified.
Democracy was too strong.
Instead of an easy victory he perceived and predicted, Putin left with burnt-out tanks and Russia’s forces in delay — in disarray.
He thought he’d get the Findalization [Finlandization] of NATO. Instead, he got the NATOization of Finland — and Sweden. (Applause.)
He thought NATO would fracture and divide. Instead, NATO is more united and more unified than ever — than ever before.
He thought he could weaponize energy to crack your resolve — Europe’s resolve.
Instead, we’re working together to end Europe’s dependence on Russil [sic] fo- — Russian fossil fuels.
He thought autocrats like himself were tough and leaders of democracies were soft.
And then, he met the iron will of America and the nations everywhere that refused to accept a world governed by fear and force.
He found himself at war with a nation led by a man whose courage would be forged in fire and steel: President Zelenskyy. (Applause.)
President Putin — President Putin is confronted with something today that he didn’t think was possible a year ago. The democracies of the world have grown stronger, not weaker. But the autocrats of the world have grown weaker, not stronger.
Because in the mo- — moments of great upheaval and uncertainty, that knowing what you stand for is most important, and knowing who stands with you makes all the difference.
The people of Poland know that. You know that. In fact, you know — you know it better than anyone here in Poland. Because that’s what solidarity means.
Through partition and oppression, when the beautiful city was destroyed after the Warsaw Uprising, during decades under the iron fist of communist rule, Poland endured because you stood together.
That’s how the brave leaders of the opposition and the people of Belarus continue to fight for their democracy.
That’s how the resolve of Moldovan people — (applause) — resolve of the people of Moldova to live in freedom gained them independence and put them on the path to EU membership.
President Sandu is here today. I’m not sure where she is. But I’m proud to stand with you and the freedom-loving people of Moldova. Give her a round of applause. (Applause.)
One year in- — one year into this war, Putin no longer doubts the strength of our coalition. But he still doubts our conviction. He doubts our staying power. He doubts our continued support for Ukraine. He doubts whether NATO can remain unified.
But there should be no doubt: Our support for Ukraine will not waver, NATO will not be divided, and we will not tire. (Applause.)
President Putin’s craven lust for land and power will fail. And the Ukrainian people’s love for their country will prevail.
Democracies of the world will stand guard over freedom today, tomorrow, and forever. (Applause.) For that’s what — that’s what’s at stake here: freedom.
That’s the message I carried to Kyiv yesterday, directly to the people of Ukraine.
When President Zelenskyy said — he came to the United States in December — quote — he said this struggle will define the world and what our children and grandchildren — how they live, and then their children and grandchildren.
He wasn’t only speaking about the children and grandchildren of Ukraine. He was speaking about all of our children and grandchildren. Yours and mine.
We’re seeing again today what the people of Poland and the people all across Europe saw for decades: Appetites of the autocrat cannot be appeased. They must be opposed.
Autocrats only understand one word: “No.” “No.” “No.” (Applause.)
“No, you will not take my country.” “No, you will not take my freedom.” “No, you will not take my future.”
And I’ll repeat tonight what I said last year in this same place: A dictator bent on rebuilding an empire will never be able to ease [erase] the people’s love of liberty. Brutality will never grind down the will of the free. And Ukraine — Ukraine will never be a victory for Russia. Never. (Applause.)
For free people refuse to live in a world of hopelessness and darkness.
You know, this has been an extraordinary year in every sense.
Extraordinary brutality from Russian forces and mercenaries. They have committed depravities, crimes against humanity, without shame or compunction. They’ve targeted civilians with death and destruction. Used rape as a weapon of war. Stolen Ukrainian children in an attempt to — in an attempt to steal Ukraine’s future. Bombed train stations, maternity hospitals, schools, and orphanages.
No one — no one can turn away their eyes from the atrocities Russia is committing against the Ukrainian people. It’s abhorrent. It’s abhorrent.
But extraordinarily, as well, has been the response of the Ukrainian people and the world.
One year after the bombs began to fall and Russian tanks rolled into Ukraine, Ukraine is still independent and free. (Applause.)
From Kherson to Kharkiv, Ukrainian fighters have reclaimed their land.
In more than 50 percent of the territory Russia held last year, the blue and the yellow flag of Ukraine proudly waves once again.
President Zelenskyy still leads a democratically elected government that represents the will of the Ukrainian people.
And the world has already voted multiple times, including in the United Nations General Assembly, to condemn Russia’s aggression and support a just peace.
Each time in the U.N., that vote has been overwhelming.
In October, 143 nations in the United Nations condemned Russia’s illegal annexation. Only four — four in the entire U.N. — voted with Russia. Four.
So, tonight, I speak once more to the people of Russia.
The United States and the nations of Europe do not seek to control or destroy Russia. The West was not plotting to attack Russia, as Putin said today. And millions of Russian citizens who only want to live in peace with their neighbors are not the enemy.
This war was never a necessity; it’s a tragedy.
President Putin chose this war. Every day the war continues is his choice. He could end the war with a word.
It’s simple. If Russia stopped invading Ukraine, it would end the war. If Ukraine stopped defending itself against Russia, it would be the end of Ukraine.
That’s why, together, we’re making sure Ukraine can defend itself.
The United States has assembled a wor- — worldwide coalition of more than 50 nations to get critical weapons and supplies to the brave Ukrainian fighters on the frontlines. Air defense systems, artillery, ammunition, tanks, and armored vehicles.
The European Union and its member states have stepped up with unprecedented commitment to Ukraine, not just in security assistance, but economic, and humanitarian, refugee assistance, and so much more.
To all of you here tonight: Take a moment. And I’m serious when I say this: Turn on and look — turn around and look at one another. Look at what you’ve done so far.
Poland is hosting more than 1.5 million refugees from this war. God bless you. (Applause.)
Poland’s generosity, your willingness to open your hearts and your homes, is extraordinary.
And the American people are united in our resolve as well.
All across my country, in big cities and small towns, Ukrainian flags fly from American homes.
Over the past year, Democrats and Republicans in our United States Congress have come together to stand for freedom.
That’s who Americans are, and that’s what Americans do. (Applause.)
The world is also coming together to address the global fallout from President Putin’s war.
Putin tried to starve the world, blocking the ports in the Black Sea to stop Ukraine from exporting its grain, exacerbating the global food crisis that hit developing nations in Africa especially hard.
Instead, the United States and the G7 and partners around the world answered the call with historic commitments to address the crisis and to bolster global food supplies.
And this week, my wife, Jill Biden, is traveling to Africa to help bring attention to this critical issue.
Our commitment is to the people of Ukraine and the future of Ukraine — a Ukraine that’s free, sovereign, and democratic.
That was the dream of those who declared Ukraine’s independence more than 30 years ago — who led the Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity; who braved ice and fire on the Maidan and the Heavenly Hundred who died there; and those who continue still to root out Kremlin’s efforts to corrupt, coerce, and control.
It’s a dream for those Ukrainian patriots who have fought for years against Russia’s aggressions in the Donbas and the heroes who have given everything, given their lives, in the service of their beloved Ukraine.
I was honored to visit their memorial in Kyiv yesterday to pay tribute to the sacrifice of those who lost their lives, standing alongside President Zelenskyy.
The United States and our partners stand with Ukraine’s teachers, its hospital staff, its emergency responders, the workers in cities across Ukraine who are fighting to keep the power on in the face of Russia’s cruel bombardment.
We stand with the millions of refugees of this war who have found a welcome in Europe and the United States, particularly here in Poland.
Ordinary people all across Europe did whatever they could to help and continue to do so. Polish businesses, civil society, cultural leaders — including the First Lady of Poland, who is here tonight — have led with the heart and determination, showcasing all that’s good about the human spirit.
Madam First Lady, we love you. Thank you all. (Applause.)
I’ll never forget, last year, visiting with refugees from Ukraine who had just arrived in Warsaw, seeing their faces exhausted and afraid — holding their children so close, worrying they might never see their fathers, their husbands, their brothers or sisters again.
In that darkest moment of their lives, you, the people of Poland, offered them safety and light. You embraced them. You literally embraced them. I watched. I watched the looks on their faces.
Meanwhile, together we have made sure that Russia is paying the price for its abuses.
We continue to maintain the largest sanctions regime ever imposed on any country in history. And we’re going to announce more sanctions this week together with our partners.
We’ll hold accountable those who are responsible for this war. And we will seek justice for the war crimes and crimes against humanity continuing to be committed by the Russians.
You know, there is much for us to be proud of over the — all that we have achieved together this past year. But we have to be honest and cleared-eyed as we look at the year ahead.
The defense of freedom is not the work of a day or of a year. It’s always difficult. It’s always important.
As Ukraine continues to defend itself against the Russian onslaught and launch counter-offensives of its own, there will continue to be hard and very bitter days, victories and tragedies. But Ukraine is steeled for the fight ahead. And the United States, together with our Allies and partners, are going to continue to have Ukraine’s back as it defends itself.
Next year, I will host every member of NATO for our 2024 summit in the United States. Together, we’ll celebrate the 75th anniversary of the strongest defensive alliance in the history of the world — NATO.
And — (applause) — and let there be no doubt, the commitment of the United States to our NATO Alliance and Article 5 is rock solid. (Applause.) And every member of NATO knows it. And Russia knows it as well.
An attack against one is an attack against all. It’s a sacred oath. (Applause.) A sacred oath to defend every inch of NATO territory.
Over the past year, the United States has come together with our Allies and partners in an extraordinary coalition to stand against Russian aggression.
But the work in front of us is not just what we’re against, it’s about what we’re for. What kind of world do we want to build?
We need to take the strength and capacity of this coalition and apply it to lifting up — lifting up the lives of people everywhere, improving health, growing prosperity, preserving the planet, building peace and security, treating everyone with dignity and respect.
That’s our responsibility. The democracies of the world have to deliver it for our people.
As we gather tonight, the world, in my view, is at an — at an inflection point. The decisions we make over the next five years or so are going to determine and shape our lives for decades to come.
That’s true for Americans. It’s true for the people of the world.
And while decisions are ours to make now, the principles and the stakes are eternal. A choice between chaos and stability. Between building and destroying. Between hope and fear. Between democracy that lifts up the human spirit and the brutal hand of the dictator who crushes it. Between nothing less than limitation and possibilities, the kind of possibilities that come when people who live not in captivity but in freedom. Freedom.
Freedom. There is no sweeter word than freedom. There is no nobler goal than freedom. There is no higher aspiration than freedom. (Applause.)
Americans know that, and you know it. And all that we do now must be done so our children and grandchildren will know it as well.
Freedom.
The enemy of the tyrant and the hope of the brave and the truth of the ages.
Freedom.
Stand with us. We will stand with you.
Let us move forward with faith and conviction and with an abiding commitment to be allies not of darkness, but of light. Not of oppression, but of liberation. Not of captivity, but, yes, of freedom.
May God bless you all. May God protect our troops. And may God bless the heroes of Ukraine and all those who defend freedom around the world.
Thank you, Poland. Thank you, thank you, thank you for what you’re doing. (Applause.) God bless you all.
6:00 P.M. CET
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FACT SHEET: One Year of Supporting Ukraine
Nearly one year ago, Russia launched its unjust, brutal assault against Ukraine. Putin’s invasion was a test of Ukraine’s commitment to freedom, and a test for America and the world. Putin sought to subjugate Ukraine, but the free people of Ukraine stood strong—bravely defending their sovereignty and democracy. The United States, alongside our allies and partners, did not hesitate to stand with them.
Over the last year, the United States has provided critical support to the people of Ukraine, working in close coordination with the government of Ukraine to get them what they need. President Biden has spoken regularly with President Zelenskyy, hosting him at the White House and visiting Kyiv to send powerful messages of the United States’ unwavering support. We have led the world in providing security assistance—from the Javelins that halted the Russian tanks assaulting Kyiv, to the air defense systems that have intercepted Russian strikes against Ukraine’s critical infrastructure, to the armored vehicles that Ukraine needs for the next phase of this conflict. We also stepped up to provide financial and humanitarian assistance—helping Ukrainians maintain access to fundamental services, like healthcare and heat, as they fight for their liberty and sovereignty.
The United States has not acted alone. Since first exposing Russia’s plans to launch this invasion, we ensured that Ukraine’s resilience has been matched with global resolve. We rallied the international community to speak out and stand against Russia’s brutal war, including at the United Nations, where the world has repeatedly and overwhelmingly voted to condemn Russia’s aggression. We have led unprecedented efforts to isolate and impose costs on Russia—including the largest coordinated sanctions and export control actions taken against a major economy. In response to the global economic disruptions caused by the Kremlin, we have launched initiatives that have stabilized energy markets and food supplies. And we supported our partners as they opened their homes and communities to millions of Ukrainians seeking refuge.
One year ago, Putin thought he could quickly topple Ukraine. He thought he could divide our allies and partners. He was wrong. Ukraine still stands. The international coalition in support of Ukraine is stronger and more united than ever. And President Biden’s visit to Kyiv yesterday sent a clear and powerful message to the world: we remain committed to standing with the people of Ukraine for as long as it takes.
Actions we have taken to support Ukraine and hold Russia accountable over the last year include:
Security Assistance
Over the past year, the United States and our allies and partners provided critical security assistance that made a real difference on the battlefield, and helped the people of Ukraine defend their country from Russian attacks and advances.
At the start of the war, the anti-armor and anti-air systems we provided—like the 8,000 Javelin and 1,600 Stingers—enabled Ukraine to win the Battle for Kyiv. The artillery and ammunition we have sent—such as the 160 howitzers and 38 High Mobility Artillery Rocket systems—enhanced Ukraine’s ability to defend its territory in the Donbas region and launch successful counteroffensives in Kharkiv and Kherson, reclaiming hundreds of kilometers of territory and liberating towns and villages subjected to unimaginable Russian brutality. The air defense systems and counter-drone capabilities that we provided help Ukraine protect its people and infrastructure against continued Russian attacks. The armored capabilities we are sending—including 109 Bradley infantry fighting vehicles and tanks—will prepare Ukraine for future counteroffensives and help Ukraine adapt to changing conditions on the ground and defend against future Russian assaults.
We have provided more than one million rounds of artillery ammunition; more than 100,000 rounds of 125mm tank ammunition; and 100,000 rounds of small arms ammunition. We have provided helicopters; Unmanned Coastal Defense Vessels, and counter-UAV systems and equipment. And the Departments of Defense and State have released a plan to prevent and counter the potential of illicit diversion of weapons and equipment.
Working with European partners and Ukraine, the United States also launched the Ukraine Defense Contact Group—a coalition of 50 partner nations that has enhanced our coordination of security assistance deliveries to help the people of Ukraine as they continue to defend themselves against Russia’s unjust and unprovoked assault. Together, members of this group already committed $50 billion security assistance, including nearly 700 tanks and thousands of other armored vehicles, more than 1000 artillery systems, more than two million rounds of artillery ammunition, more than 50 advanced multiple rocket launch systems, and anti-ship and air defense systems.
A comprehensive list of security assistance is available here.
Humanitarian Assistance
When Russia launched its invasion, the United States responded quickly to the humanitarian crisis in Ukraine—providing more than $1.9 billion to Ukrainians in need of assistance, including more than 13 million people forced to flee their homes.
We brought together partners across the United Nations agencies and non-governmental organizations to address Ukrainian’s critical needs—including food, safe drinking water, shelter, and emergency health care. When winter approached and Putin turned his assault to critical infrastructure, a U.S.-led coalition provided supplies to restore emergency power and heat across the country. In addition to welcoming over 267,000 Ukrainians who have been forced to flee their homes to the United States and creating the Uniting for Ukraine program, we have provided $340 million in refugee assistance to our European partners who continue to host millions of Ukrainians, representing the largest population outflow in Europe since World War II.
A comprehensive list of humanitarian assistance is available here.
Democracy, Human Rights, and Anti-Corruption Assistance
To defend human rights in Ukraine and its neighbors, President Biden launched the European Democratic Resilience Initiative (EDRI) in March 2022. Through EDRI, we have provided nearly $220 million for Ukraine to support media freedom and enable Ukrainian media outlets to continue operating during the war, to counter disinformation, increase the safety and security of activists and vulnerable groups, strengthen democratic and anti-corruption institutions, and support accountability for human rights abuses and violations of international law.
Holding Russia Accountable
Justice and accountability are central pillars of the United States’ policy on Ukraine. Russia chose this war, and the United States and our partners are holding it accountable for its attacks and atrocities against the people of Ukraine — ensuring that perpetrators, human rights violators, and war criminals are brought to justice.
Based on a careful analysis of the law and available facts, the Secretary of State recently determined that members of Russia’s forces and other Russian officials have committed crimes against humanity in Ukraine.
Working with partners, we have supported Ukrainian domestic authorities, international efforts, and strategic litigation to ensure that Russia’s crimes do not go unpunished. Along with many of our allies and partners, we imposed new sanctions on those engaged in human rights abuses and exercising illegitimate authority in occupied areas of Ukraine, including proxy authorities, military units, and those involved in the forced deportation of children.
The United States has also imposed expansive visa restrictions on members of the Russian military and others committing human rights abuses related to Russia’s war. The United States continues to support a range of international accountability mechanisms—including the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine, the UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s Moscow Mechanism, and the Joint Investigative Team on Ukraine.
Economic Measures Against Russia
The United States and over 30 allies and partners developed the largest set of sanctions and export control actions ever imposed on a major economy. These actions are disrupting Russia from accessing critical inputs and advanced technologies — undercutting its ability to fund and fight its unjust war.
The United States has implemented or expanded more than 2,000 sanctions listings and more than 375 export control Entity Listings, including major state-owned enterprises and third-country actors supporting Russia’s war machine. We imposed sanctions on Russia’s largest financial institutions and imposed increasingly expansive restrictions on military and industrial goods that could support Russia’s defense industrial base. As a result, Russia has been forced to turn to rogue regimes to try to source weapons and equipment because of their inability to make enough parts to resupply Putin’s war at home. Additionally, Congress has revoked Russia’s permanent normal trade relations status — removing Russia’s privileges in international trade and increasing tariffs on hundreds of Russia products imported into the United States.
These sanctions and export controls will cut even deeper into Russia’s economy as time progresses. And at the same time, our economic measures have been specifically designed to shield low- and middle-income countries from their impact — including protecting the exports of food, allowing the provision of humanitarian assistance, and carving out agriculture, medicine, and energy payments from our sanctions.
Energy Assistance and Security
When Russia attacked Ukraine’s energy infrastructure, trying to use winter as a weapon against the Ukrainian people, the United States and its allies and partners provided energy assistance: restoring power, heating homes, and enabling the people of Ukraine to focus on the defense of their sovereignty.
Together with our allies and partners, we provided critical electricity equipment to help Ukraine make emergency repairs to its power system and strengthen the stability of Ukraine’s grid in the face of Russia’s targeted attacks. We also worked with Ukraine to advance its energy transition and build a system decoupled from Russian energy. And we worked to stabilize global energy markets, limit Russia’s revenue, and blunt the impacts of Russia’s war on energy security. Through the U.S.-EU Task Force on Energy Security, we ensured Europe had enough gas for the winter. The United States also released 180 million barrels of oil from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve, ensured international energy payments continue to flow under our sanctions, and implemented a G7+ price cap on seaborne Russian oil and petroleum products.
We also took steps to reduce nuclear risks posed by Russia’s reckless actions at and around Ukraine’s nuclear power plants to support energy infrastructure, including through training for emergency responders, radiation sensor monitoring, and the provision of emergency diesel fuel and other nuclear safety supplies.
Economic Assistance
The United States has disbursed $13 billion in grant financing for budget support for Ukraine —and will soon begin disbursing another $9.9 billion that Congress recently approved — to ensure the Ukrainian government can continue to meet the critical needs of its citizens and provide basic services as it confronts Russia’s continued aggression. Through the World Bank’s Public Expenditures for Administrative Capacity Endurance mechanism, the United States has used it to provide budget support on a reimbursement basis — ensuring funding is disbursed to Ukraine only after expenses have been verified.
In its leadership role in international financial institutions, the United States has also worked closely with the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank Group, and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development to support Ukraine — including to strengthen energy security, food security, and support for vulnerable populations and internally displaced persons across the country. Together with the G7, we have launched the Multi-agency Donor Coordination Platform for Ukraine, to enhance our coordination of economic support for Ukraine’s immediate financing needs and future economic recovery and reconstruction efforts. ###
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FEBRUARY 21, 2023
On-the-Record Press Call by National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan
Via Teleconference
10:23 A.M. CET
MR. SAVETT: Good morning, everyone. This is Sean Savett from the National Security Council. Thank you, everyone, for joining this on-the-record press call today with National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, to preview the day and the President’s speech tonight.
Jake, I’ll turn it over to you for some opening remarks. After that, we’ll do some moderated Q&A. And we’ll just ask everyone when you do have a question to please raise your hand, and we’ll use — we’ll call you using the “raise hand” on the Zoom function.
Jake, over to you.
MR. SULLIVAN: Good morning, everyone, here in Warsaw. This is an important trip at an important moment as we approach the one-year anniversary of the invasion by Russia of Ukraine.
And it’s important, of course, for Ukraine and for the Ukrainian people, but it’s also important for the American people and for the wider world because what is at stake here is more than just the success and survival of the nation of Ukraine, but the rules-based international order, fundamental principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the fundamental values of independence, democracy, freedom that matters so much to everyday American people.
So, from the President’s perspective, it was really important for him to come to Europe at this time to be able to stand and speak to these values, to speak to the stakes, to speak to the moment. And that’s what he’s going to do in his speech at the Warsaw Royal Palace later this evening.
He, of course, was in Kyiv yesterday. And his fundamental purpose for going to Kyiv was to be able to stand side by side with President Zelenskyy and send a powerful and unmistakable message that the United States will stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes and also to show the world that Ukraine is succeeding in defending itself against Russian aggression and that Russia is failing in an effort to conquer and destroy Ukraine.
He had the opportunity yesterday, as I said on the press call, to have an in-depth, detailed conversation with President Zelenskyy on every facet of the conflict. And there will be a lot of follow-up work coming out of that, also in close consultation with our allies and partners.
And speaking of our allies, the other thing that President Biden will have the opportunity to do today is meet with President Duda and his team to talk about the continuing work of this larger coalition of nations that are seeking to support Ukraine with military assistance, economic assistance, humanitarian assistance, and other forms of support.
And Poland, of course, has been a critical player in that. It has been critical to hosting very large numbers of Ukrainian refugees, it has been a critical logistics hub for military assistance going into Ukraine, and it has been a strong voice as part of a unified Western effort to try to ensure that there are no cracks — that the West and the larger coalition of nations holds together strongly, again, for as long as it takes.
So, the President and President Duda will have the opportunity to discuss, as he did with President Zelenskyy, every facet of the war in Ukraine.
There are other issues, of course, that he will have the opportunity to talk to his Polish counterpart about. There is the larger question of NATO force posture and the continuing commitment of the United States to play a critical role in the defense of the eastern flank allies, including Poland.
And we have taken a number of steps over the course of the past year to bolster our defense posture here in Poland and along the eastern flank as part of a larger effort by NATO coming out of the Madrid Summit last year to strengthen defense and deterrence all along the eastern flank.
So, the President will have the opportunity to reinforce his fundamental message from last year that he intends to defend every inch of NATO territory and that he will do so not just with rhetoric but with the kinds of actions where we put in place necessary capabilities.
He will also talk about energy issues, including civil nuclear cooperation. And, of course, he will speak to issues he speaks to everywhere he goes: core democratic values, including independent media and an independent judiciary.
So, that’s his intent with respect to the engagement with President Duda.
As for the speech tonight, the speech is something he has wanted to do now for some time, building on the remarks that he gave here in Poland nearly one year ago.
What he wants to have the opportunity to do is set this — Russia’s war on Ukraine into a larger context — a context that reminds people where we were on the eve of this war a year ago, when there were fundamental questions being asked — being asked of the international order, being asked of the United States, being asked of the NATO Alliance. And one year later, he believes that we have answered those questions about our unity and resolve, about our commitment to fundamental principles, and about our willingness to step up — (audio disruption) —
(Addressing the participants on the call.) If everyone can just go on mute, that would be great.
So, his remarks will speak specifically to the conflict in Ukraine. But, of course, they will also speak to the larger contest at stake between those aggressors who are trying to destroy fundamental principles and those democracies who are pulling together to try to uphold it.
And I think you will hear in this speech a vintage Joe Biden. The President has believed passionately in the themes he will discuss tonight for decades. And he is applying them at what you have all heard him described as “an inflection point” today, where the next few years are going to determine the course of the next few decades. And those are the stakes that he’s going to set out in the remarks tonight.
So, I apologize for going on so long. I think it’s a big moment, coming off the trip to Kyiv, speaking to the people of Europe and speaking to the people of the world about America’s commitments, about America’s staying power, and about America’s follow-through on the values and principles that we hold so dear and that we are prepared to act upon in the ways that we have over the course of the past year and that we are committed to doing in the months and years ahead.
So, let me stop there. And I’d be happy to take your questions.
MR. SAVETT: Thank you so much, Jake. And, again, we’d ask everyone, if you have question, please use the “raise your hand” feature on the Zoom.
First, we’ll go to Michael Shear of the New York Times.
Q Great. Hey, Jake. Thank you very much for doing this. Obviously, the President’s comments today and the messages that you just laid out are not going to be delivered in a vacuum.
In fact, as we’re speaking, President Putin is delivering his own speech today. You know, among the things he’s described is this this sort of typical rant that he has done in the past about how those to blame in the war in Ukraine are actually the West, not Russia, et cetera, et cetera.
I wonder if you could give an early reaction to what you guys have heard him say so far and let us know how much of the speech that the President will give later this afternoon is going to be, kind of, directly taking — taking aim at President Putin. I mean, how much will he describe this as a contest between the West and — the U.S. and Putin? Or will it be broader than that in — in tone and in detail?
MR. SULLIVAN: It will be broader in tone and in detail. We did not set the speech up as some kind of head-to-head. This is not a rhetorical contest with anyone else. This is an affirmative statement of values, a vision for what the world we’re both trying to build and defend should look like. And I think that’s what you will hear in the remarks tonight.
I’m not going to react to the speech before it finishes. You know, I’ll wait until we have the opportunity to hear the whole thing and digest it.
I will say that President Putin has been making the argument for some time that it is the West and not Russia to blame for the war in Ukraine.
Well, there’s a simple way to test that proposition. If Russia stops fighting the war in Ukraine and goes home, the war ends. If Ukraine stops fighting and the United States and the coalition stops helping them fight, Ukraine disappears from the map. So, I think that kind of tells you everything you need to know about who’s responsible for this war.
This was a war of choice. Putin chose to fight it. He could have chosen not to. And he can choose even now to end it, to go home. And nobody is attacking Russia. There’s a kind of absurdity in the notion that Russia was under some form of military threat from Ukraine or anyone else.
And that’s an argument the President has made for some time. And he will very directly make that point in the speech tonight not as a rebuttal to Putin’s speech today, but rather to lay to rest an argument that Russia has been making for some time. And the President will take that argument on quite directly and emphatically in the way that I just laid out.
And so, we’ll see, you know, obviously, what Putin says today and, you know, as he as he continues his remarks. But the President’s remarks today are not — you know, are about something larger.
And the — we selected this time, we selected this date not because President Putin was speaking today — in fact, he moved up the date of his normal state of the union to put it in this timeframe — but rather because of the fact that we’re approaching the one-year anniversary of the conflict and the President wanted to use this opportunity to set a larger frame.
MR. SAVETT: Thank you. Next, we’ll go to Peter Nicholas from NBC News.
Q Hi, can you hear me?
MR. SAVETT: Got you, Peter.
Q Oh, thanks very much. Thank you, Jake, for doing this. I just wanted to follow up by mentioning Kamala Harris’s speech at the Munich Security Conference where she said that Russia has committed crimes against humanity and Putin will be held to account. Do you expect the President will elaborate on those ideas in his speech today? Thank you.
MR. SULLIVAN: That was the finding of the U.S. government through a process. That was not just a rhetorical flourish. It was an actual substantive determination about the actions of the Russian Federation in Ukraine and the ways in which they have conducted this war: brutally, with attacks on civilians, with efforts to destroy incidents of the Ukrainian culture, and with wanton effort to harm women, children, noncombatants.
So, the State Department ran a process. The U.S. government reached the determination that the Russian Federation has committed crimes against humanity. Vice President Harris laid that out in the speech in Munich. And President Biden will, of course, reiterate the ways in which Russia has brutally transgressed the basic principles and norms that govern fundamental — fundamentally decent international behavior.
It will not be a major focus of the speech — the question of crimes against humanity — but the brutality of Russia’s war effort and the need for accountability will be a part of it.
MR. SAVETT: Next, we’ll go to Asma Khalid from NPR.
Q Hey. Thanks, Jake, for doing this. You mentioned earlier that the President intends to build on the remarks from last year. He believes that, one year later, many of those questions have been answered. Will there be an appeal to the future and looking ahead, or is this largely going to be a speech that talks about questions that were raised last year being answered?
And if there are appeals to the future, can you help us just get some guidance on what those might be?
MR. SULLIVAN: The speech, as I said before, sets out an affirmative vision of a world in which the fundamental principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, independence, democracy are upheld. And the speech will fundamentally make the case that democracies, as he said in the State of the Union, are growing stronger and more capable of helping shape a world in which freedom has a greater chance to breathe.
And so, you will definitely hear that in the speech. He is not going to — I’m not sure if this is what you were getting at with your question. He is not going to sketch out in any kind of specifics a vision of a diplomatic end to the war, not because we don’t believe that the war should end on just terms according to the principles of the U.N. Charter, but rather because, as he said many times, “nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine,” and the United States is not going to dictate those terms.
So you won’t hear from him some kind of specific set of proposals or roadmap or blueprint. But you will hear him appeal to the — those basic principles as being the way in which things should proceed from here and how we should, you know, not just continue to support Ukraine at this moment in this time, but also how we should try to build a more sustainable, durable order in which the values and principles that, you know, we are trying to defend are ultimately upheld.
So, I think you will hear larger themes in the speech, not just narrow descriptions of, you know, the actions and activities around our support for Ukraine or the conduct of this war.
MR. SAVETT: Thank you. Next, we’ll go to Kevin Liptak from CNN.
Q Hey, thanks. First, just quickly, do you know if President Biden is watching Putin’s speech?
And then secondly, do you have any update on the warnings that you’ve been giving lately about China potentially providing lethal aid to Russia? And do you expect President Biden to mention China at all in this speech in the context of the Ukraine war?
MR. SULLIVAN: I don’t have any updates this morning. Obviously, Secretary Blinken and others have spoken to it. And, you know, we’ve had the opportunity to engage directly with the PRC and to consult with our allies and partners on that issue, and we’ll continue to do so day by day. It’s an important issue and one that we’re focused on, but I don’t have anything to add this morning.
It will not be a major feature of the speech tonight. I don’t think the question of PRC support is actually in the remarks at this point, though I’m hesitant to say whether it will be there or won’t be there because, as you all know, you know, until the President delivers his remarks, they can always be subject to his edits and amendments.
And then, on whether or not he’s watching Putin’s speech right now, I actually am not with him, so I don’t know. I don’t believe he is, but I can’t say for sure.
MR. SAVETT: Thank you. And for our final question, we’ll do Patsy from Voice of America.
Q Hi, thank you for doing this. I have a really quick question, Jake. When you said yesterday that you called Ru- — well, not you, but the U.S. called Russia about the Kyiv trip for deconfliction purposes, can you just clarify what that means? Because obviously, the Russians are spinning it as them providing a security guarantee for the President’s visit. So, if you can clarify that. Thank you.
MR. SULLIVAN: I’m sorry, I didn’t see that, Patsy. The Russians are saying they provided a security guarantee for the President’s visit?
Q That’s correct. Yes.
MR. SULLIVAN: Yeah, they — they did not respond, other than to acknowledge receipt of the notification. So, there was no exchange. It was mere notification and acknowledgement of receipt.
Q Okay, and when you say “deconfliction” —
MR. SULLIVAN: No guarantees given and cer- —
Q I’m sorry, Jake. I didn’t mean to cut you off. When you — when you say “deconfliction purposes,” if you can just clarify that from the U.S. side?
MR. SULLIVAN: When we have a significant movement like this that also involves a security package, you know, we take the normal steps to indicate what we are doing, why we are doing it, with what parameters, on what timeta- — what general timetable.
And we chose to do that with the Russians so that they would understand what they would be seeing and what President Biden would be doing. Simple as that. Just to let them know he would be there in this time period and the means by which he was traveling and that he would be out on this timetable, the means by which he was traveling out.
We conveyed that information. They acknowledged receipt. End of story.
Q Thank you.
MR. SAVETT: Great. Thank you so much, Jake. And that’s all the questions we have time for. We really appreciate everyone joining us on short notice. And, Jake, thank you for taking the time. We’ll talk to everyone soon.
10:42 A.M. CET
