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북러 조약(1961)(2000)

자료/한반도 자료

by gino's 2023. 8. 31. 14:47

본문

https://treaties.un.org/doc/Publication/UNTS/Volume%20420/volume-420-I-6045-English.pdf

http://oldsite.nautilus.org/DPRKBriefingBook/agreements/CanKor_VTK_2000_07_19_dprk_russia_joint_declaration.pdf

<통일부 홈페이지>

2000년 6월 체결한 북·러조약은 북한과 러시아 간의 경제·과학·기술·문화의 원조·제공 등을 주요 내용으로 담고 있다.

배경

북한과 소련은 1961년 7월 ‘조선민주주의인민공화국과 소비에트 사회주의연방공화국 간의 우호협조 및 호상원조에 관한 조약’(이하 조소우호조약)을 김일성의 소련 방문 중 체결하였다. 이 조약은 6개 조항으로 이루어져 있었으며, ‘자동군사개입’을 비롯하여 북한과 소련 간의 군사·경제·문화·기술의 원조·제공 등을 주요 내용으로 담고 있었다.

그러나 소련이 1990년 9월 남한과 수교를 맺고, 1991년 8월에는 소련이 해체됨에 따라 북한과 러시아의 관계는 군사적·이데올로기적 관계에서 경제적·정치적 관계로 전환되었다. 이후 러시아는 1995년 9월 조소우호조약을 더 이상 연장하지 않겠다고 공식 발표함으로써, 1996년 조소우호조약은 폐기되었다. 이에 따라 북한과 러시아는 변화된 국제환경과 북·러관계를 고려하여 새로운 조약을 체결하기 위한 외교적 협상을 진행하였고, 2000년 2월 9일 이바노프 러시아 외무장관의 평양 방문 중 ‘조선민주주의인민공화국과 러시아 연방 사이의 친선, 선린 및 협조에 관한 조약’을 체결하였다.

주요내용

조소우호조약 폐기 이후 새롭게 체결된 북·러조약은 총 12개 조항으로 구성되어 있다. 기존의 조소우호조약과 달리 새 조약은 제2조에서 평화 및 안보 강화를 위해 노력한다고 하면서 쟁점조항인 ‘자동군사개입’ 규정을 삭제하였다. 그리고 경제·과학·기술·문화 분야 등에서의 협력이 주요 내용으로 구성되었다.

북·러 간 새 조약의 체결은 한·소 수교 이후 소원해진 관계를 정상적인 관계로 회복하는 계기가 되었다. 2000년 7월 푸틴 러시아 대통령은 러시아 지도자로는 처음으로 북한을 방문하였고, 상호 간 협조와 협력에 관한 내용을 담은 ‘북·러 공동선언’을 채택하였다. 이에 대한 답방으로 김정일이 2001년 7월부터 8월까지 러시아를 방문하였고, 북·러 간의 협력관계 복원과 한반도 종단철도와 시베리아 횡단철도의 연결사업에 대한 합의 등을 담은 ‘북·러 모스크바 선언’을 채택하였다.

러시아는 북·러관계의 회복 및 발전을 바탕으로 한반도에 대한 영향력 제고 및 동북아에서의 입지 강화를 위한 기회로 활용하려 했다. 북한은 미국을 견제하기 위해 낙후된 재래식 무기를 현대화할 수 있는 러시아의 군사 원조를 기대했으나, 러시아는 군사협력보다는 경제협력에 무게를 두었다. 이러한 상호 간의 이익에 대한 견해차는 북한과 러시아의 협력이 취약성을 내포하고 있다는 것을 의미한다. 즉 북·러관계는 냉전 시기처럼 이념이나 혁명적 연대가 아닌 철저한 국익과 상호주의 원칙에 입각하는 방향으로 재정립되어 가고 있다.

 

DPRK-RUSSIA JOINT DECLARATION Pyongyang, July 19, 2000

V.V. Putin, President of the Russian Federation, visited the DPRK from July 19 to

20, 2000, at the invitation of Kim Jong Il, chairman of the DPRK National Defence

Commission. The DPRK-Russia summit meeting and talks held in Pyongyang were a landmark

event in the history of the friendly relations between the two countries. The leaders of the two countries had an open-hearted exchange of opinions on the matters related to bilateral relations and international issues of mutual concern and declare as follows according to the results of the talks:

1. The signing of the treaty of friendship, good neighborliness and cooperation between the DPRK and the Russian Federation on February 9, 2000, demonstrated each other's desire to strengthen the traditional relations of friendship, good neighborliness, mutual trust and multilateral cooperation, respect the objective and principles of the UN Charter, achieve international security and stability and develop equitable and mutually beneficial cooperation in northeast Asia and the rest of the world.

Further developing cooperation and close bilateral interaction efforts between the DPRK and Russia  conforms with the fundamental interests of the two peoples and the trend towards building a multipolar world and establishing a new fair and reasonable international order based on the principle of equality, mutual respect and mutually beneficial cooperation. This international order is aimed to guarantee reliable security of every country in the political, military, economic, social and cultural and other fields.

2. The DPRK and the Russian Federation express their unwavering intention to make positive efforts for disarmament and global stability and security against all the policies of aggression and war.

The DPRK and Russia express the willingness to get in touch with each other without delay if the danger of aggression to the DPRK or to Russia is created or when there is the need to have consultations and cooperate with each other under the circumstances where peace and security are threatened.

The DPRK and Russia confirm their commitment neither to sign with a third country any treaties and agreements detrimental to the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the other party, nor to participate in any actions, steps and blocs.

3. The DPRK and Russia, hailing the efforts to independently settle the question of Korean reunification by the concerted efforts of the Korean nation according to the north-south joint declaration, reached a  consensus of views on not allowing any outside interference in this process and consider it important for the countries concerned to support it. 

Russia confirmed its support to the agreement reached between north and South Koreans on this matter.

4. The DPRK and Russia have confirmed their respect for the objective and principle of the UN Charter which is of universal and enduring nature. The DPRK and Russia will cooperate in reforming and reinforcing the United Nations and enhancing its leading role in handling world affairs.

They also base themselves on the view that use of force or threat of its use in violation of the UN Charter should be regarded as an intolerable challenge to the fundamentals of the system of international relations.

They will closely cooperate with each other to make the UN millennium summit and general assembly successful and fruitful, and call upon all the member nations to make a constructive contribution to achieving this objective.

5. Confirming each state's sovereign right to choose its own way of political, economic and social development, the DPRK and Russia oppose interference in other states' internal affairs perpetrated under the pretext of humanitarian intervention and support each other's efforts to defend its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity.

6. The DPRK and Russia call for strengthening strategic and regional stability and, at the same time, further reducing factors of use of force in international relations. It is of key significance to ensure that STRAT-2 will take effect as soon as possible for its full implementation and START-3 be concluded at an early date, while preserving and reinforcing the 1972 ABM treaty, a bedrock of strategic stability and drastic reduction of strategic offensive arms.

The DPRK expressed full support to Russia's efforts in this regard. 

The DPRK and Russia consider that the results of the analysis of the present international realities prove the missile threat from some states cited as a pretext to justify their projected amendment to the ABM treaty to be totally groundless. 

In this connection, the DPRK stated that its missile program does not pose any threat to anybody but is purely peaceful in its nature.

The DPRK and Russia consider that any deployment of the closed Theatre Missile Defense system of bloc style in Asia and Pacific may seriously wreck regional stability and security.

7. The DPRK and Russia are convinced that any form of international terrorism, separatism, religious extremism and multi-national criminal activities pose threat to security of sovereign states and world peace as a whole. 

 

Russian-North Korean Friendship Treaty Marks 20th Anniversary

  • February, 09, 2020 - 15:40 

TEHRAN (Tasnim) – Russia and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea on Sunday marked the 20th anniversary since signing the Treaty on Friendship, Good-Neighborly Relations and Cooperation between the two countries.

The treaty "laid the foundation for developing relations between the two neighboring states in the new historic period," the Russian Embassy in Pyongyang wrote on its Facebook page.

"On February 9, 2000 the Treaty on Friendship, Good-Neighborly Relations and Cooperation between the Russian Federation and the DPRK was signed in Pyongyang," the statement reads, TASS reported.

The document, which replaced the 1961 friendship treaty between the Soviet Union and the DPRK, was signed by the two countries’ foreign ministers, Igor Ivanov and Paek Nam-sun.

The treaty, which was signed 20 years ago, boosted bilateral ties in many areas and ensured the continuity of deep traditions of good neighborly relations between the people of Russia and North Korea, the Russian Embassy in Pyongyang said.

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The Interpreter /  LOWY INSTITUTE

Why China and North Korea decided to renew a 60-year-old treaty/ 30 Jul 2021  
Defence & Security & China & North Korea

(...)However, the collapse of the Soviet Union took the common ideology out of the Soviet-North Korea alliance. The new Russian government subsequently downgraded its ties with North Korea and did not renew the alliance treaty in 1995.

Russia and North Korea instead inked the Treaty of Friendship, Good Neighbourliness, and Cooperation in 2000 to replace the 1961 treaty, but the clause on automatic military assistance in case of attack was removed. In its place, the two countries only agree to consult each other in the event of danger. The new clause was intentionally designed to be vague to free Russia of any concrete obligations while still allowing it to influence Korean affairs. Remarkably, the new Russia-North Korea relationship was no longer based on “socialist internationalism” but resembled normal inter-state relations.

This is not the case with regard to the China-North Korea alliance, although Pyongyang was upset with Beijing’s decision in the early 1990s to normalise ties with South Korea, as had the Kremlin. Bilateral relations between China and North Korea also soured in the mid 1990s, but Beijing and Pyongyang did not renounce the alliance treaty for they continued to share the need to maintain North Korea’s regime stability and survival. In 2001, China and North Korea restored an exchange of high-level visits with Chinese President Jiang Zemin’s trip to North Korea.

Importantly, inter-party relations continue to exist alongside the inter-state component. Joint diplomatic statements emphasised the role of traditional party-to-party ties, and that China specifically supports the Korean Workers’ Party, not just the North Korean government, on its path to a socialist economy. The party-to-party ties are missing in Russia-North Korea interactions.

When it comes to security matters, China made clear that it would protect North Korea if the United States and South Korea attacked it first, even when Beijing was imposing sanctions on Pyongyang and the risks of a US-North Korea escalation was high back in 2017. This is in line with the Chinese government’s commitment to only aid North Korea if the North is subjected to armed attack under Article II of the Treaty. It is also worth noting that China’s alliance with North Korea is Beijing’s sole formal security commitment.

The endurance of the China-North Korea alliance can be explained by the persistence of single-party state systems in China and North Korea, and shared geopolitical interests against a US presence in the region. This is in stark contrast with Russia’s ambiguous pledge to cooperate with North Korea if contingencies arise after the Soviet single-party system collapsed.

With the China-North Korea alliance renewed, the power dynamics on the Korea peninsula look set to follow a familiar pattern. China will leverage its alliance with North Korea to prevent Pyongyang from provoking a major crisis, while dangling the threat of a Chinese intervention to moderate US ambitions. North Korea will continue to rely on Chinese economic assistance, especially when to recover from the pandemic, and assume Chinese protection while advancing its nuclear program.

As Kim and Xi put it, opposing imperialism and building socialism underpins the essence of the treaty renewal.

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